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Islam and the Liberation of Women in the Middle East |
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By
Azam Kamguian I intend to contribute to the debate about Islam and the
liberation of women in the Middle East as an activist and writer engaged
in issues affecting women in the Middle East. I shall examine Islam's
resistance to women's rights in the economic and social contexts in the
region and will discuss the impact of the Islamic Shari'a law and
political Islamic movement on women's citizen rights, their civil
liberties and individual freedom. I will conclude my talk with my analysis
of what needs to be done. The position of women in the Middle East has aroused much
recent interest. What are the facts about the subordination of Middle
Eastern women? What role does Islamic ideology and practice play in the
oppression of women in the region and other societies where Islam holds
sway? Few would argue that the status of women in the Middle East
can be understood without reference to Islam. Although the legal-religious
systems of no two Middle Eastern countries are identical, women are second
class citizens in all of them. But the position of women in the region
cannot be understood without a thorough appreciation of the economic and
political contexts in which they live, and of the age-old influence of
Islam. There are many schools of thought in the debate about the
status of Middle Eastern women. One group denies that the great majority
of women in the Middle East are any more oppressed than non-Middle Eastern
women. A second group says that oppression is real but extrinsic to Islam
and the Koran, which they say, intended gender equality, but which has
been undermined by Arabic patriarchy and foreign importation. Among the intellectuals and the academic world, any attempt
to point at Islam and the Islamic oppression of women is stamped as
orientalism. The defence of Islam in the face of Western challenges took
many forms, but ultimately aimed to prove the 'progressive' nature of the
Koran, Hadith and the Shari'a, either by denying the low status of women
in Middle Eastern societies or by attributing it to pre-Islamic traditions
and to the contemporary political Islamic movement. Many Feminists and academic intellectuals apologise for
Islam by saying that veiling, female genital mutilation and the savage
oppression of women are not restricted to Middle Eastern societies. Some
say that women who wear make up in the West are just as oppressed as those
in the East wearing the veil, but it is a post-modernist kind of
oppression, a neo-colonialist one. They say that women are inferior in all
religions and it is not specific to Islam. They fail to compare the
position of Islam to that of Christianity with regard to secularism and
secular states, which in the west have restricted the power of
Christianity over women's lives. This attitude is obvious in the following
words of Nawal El Saadawi: "I've noticed that many people including professors of
religion and Islamic studies, pick up one verse and say that in the Koran,
God allowed men to beat women. They don't compare it to other verses. They
also don't compare the Koran to the Bible. If you do, you will find the
Bible more oppressive to women." In the words of Nawal El Saadawi, women in the Middle East
are oppressed not because they live under the rule of Islam or belong to
the East, but as a result of the patriarchal class system that has
dominated the world for thousands of years. In her view, the struggle for
women's civil liberties, individual freedom and secularism have no
significance. In this discourse, patriarchy as a blanket term is used to
disguise the role of Islam in the oppression of women. Any and every
aspect of women's subordination in the Middle East is inaccurately
labelled as patriarchy. Of course, the economic system and political
oppression play their part in the subordination of women. But if Islam has
no effect on women's status, why is the position of women in the Middle
East worse than in any other part of the world? Islamic resistance to Women's Rights Historically, Islam has resisted women's rights, secularism,
modernism and human values. Dramatic differences between Eastern and
non-Muslims Western emerged in the 19th and 20th
centuries. Economic and social changes along with the impact of Western
culture brought about forces within Middle Eastern societies favouring
changes in the condition of women. From the early 19th century,
in crucial ways, the outcome of the process of change that Western
influence set in motion was broadly positive, as the social institutions
and mechanisms for the control and seclusion of women and for their
exclusion from the major domains of activity in their society were
gradually dismantled. At first this didn't involve legal changes, but
rather such things as women's education. Western economic penetration of
the Middle East and the exposure of Middle Eastern societies to Western
political thought and ideas, however, did little to dismantle Islamic law
and its backward social institutions oppressive to women. Changes in
Islamic law pertaining to women have met with considerable resistance.
Laws on women have great prominence in the Koran.
Furthermore, changes concerning women were felt by the nationalist,
Islamic forces to be a final invasion in the last sphere they could
control against the aggressive infidels, once sovereignty and much of the
economy had been taken over by the West. When the French came to Egypt
with Napoleon, the wearing of the veil increased as a reaction to their
presence. Islamists saw modern values such as women's rights as a Western
conspiracy accompanying the political and economic offensive, and turned
to their own tradition as a cultural reaction. In the struggle to improve the condition of women, the first
names associated with those struggles were male, but from the beginning
women too were involved. In this period, women's rights, particularly the
issue of veil, emerged as a central subject for national debate. For the
first time in the whole history of Islam, issues such as veil, polygamy,
divorce and segregation were openly discussed in Middle Eastern society.
Public and independent activity for women's rights became widespread in
the twentieth century. Modernisation has improved women's position
generally. Although the success of reform was tied to economic and social
changes, its immediate problems were often ideological, mainly what
attitude to take to the holy Islamic law. But economic and social reality brought women in the Middle
East more and more into the public sphere, and this was largely positive
for women, particularly during the historical periods of nation building,
secularisation and economic modernisation in Turkey and Tunisia. The main thrust of legal reforms where the law is not
egalitarian is to place restrictions on divorce; polygamy and age of
marriage, often by means of Islamic precedents and often by making men
justify divorce or polygamy to the courts. These changes are called
Islamic and Islamic courts generally retain some power. Family law as the
cornerstone of the Islamic oppression of women was and is maintained by
establishment Islam and governments in the Middle East. That it is still
preserved almost intact signals the existence of enormously powerful
Islamic and traditional forces within Middle Eastern societies. Call to
reformist interpretations such as stressing the 'egalitarian spirit of the
Koran', and reshaping the Shari'a by reinterpreting the Koran, were
arguments that arose mainly because of a rapidly changing economy and
society that was experiencing the influence of the West. Political Islam Political Islam is a major force that has imposed serious
setbacks on women's lives in the region, in the recent decades. Political
Islam is a political movement that came to the fore against the secular
and progressive movements for liberation and egalitarianism, against
cultural and intellectual advances, and against the oppressed who are
fighting for justice, freedom and equality in the region. In the 1970s,
the political Islamic movement grew stronger and became more widespread.
In the 1980s, the movement was supported and nurtured by Western
governments to be used in the conflicts and tensions of the Cold War and
in the fight against progressive movements in the region. Key features of
political Islam include opposition to the freedom of women and to women's
civil liberties, and to freedom of expression in the cultural and personal
domains, the enforcement of brutal laws and traditions, not to mention
killing, beheading, and genocide. In Iran, the Sudan, Pakistan and
Afghanistan under the Taliban, Islamic regimes proceeded to transform the
countries, and particularly women's homes into prison houses, where the
confinement of women, their exclusion from many fields of work and
education and their brutal treatment became the law of the land. In
addition, the misogynist rhetoric they have let loose in the social sphere
implicitly sanctions male violence towards women. Women are Second Class Citizens At
present, women throughout the region are second-class citizens, being
denied their full legal identities by being excluded from the rights,
privileges, and security that all citizens of a country should enjoy. Unjust laws, discriminatory constitutions, and biased
mentalities that do not recognise women as equal citizens, violate women's
rights. A "national", a citizen, is defined as someone who is a
native or naturalised member of a state. A national is entitled to the
rights and a privilege allotted to a free individual, and is also entitled
to protection from the state. However, in no country in the Middle East or
Northern Africa are women granted full citizenship; in every country they
are second-class citizens. In many cases, the laws and codes of the state
work to reinforce gender inequality and exclusion from nationality. The
state is used to strengthen Islamic and tribal/familial control over
women, making them even more dependant on these institutions. Unlike in
the West, where the individual is the basic unit of the state, it is the
family that is the basis of Arab states. This means that the state is
primarily concerned with the protection of the family rather than the
protection of the family's members. Within this framework, the rights of
women are expressed solely in their roles as wives and mothers. State
discrimination against women in the family is expressed through unjust
family laws that deny women equal access to divorce and child custody. Throughout
the region, Arab women, should they choose to marry a foreigner, are
denied the right to extend their citizenship to their husbands.
Furthermore, only fathers, not mothers, can independently pass citizenship
to their children. In many cases, where a woman has been widowed, divorced
or abandoned, or if her husband is not a national in the country where
they reside, her children have no access to citizenship, and are thus
excluded from the rights of a citizen. These rights include access to
education and healthcare, and to land ownership and inheritance. There is
no obstacle to men extending their nationality to their wives and
children, but women cannot. This inequality not only denies women their
right as citizens; it also denies children their basic rights as human
beings. If the
law is designed to protect women only within their role in the family, it
will fail to protect women who are in need of protection from their families. By failing to protect women from violence such
as domestic abuse, rape, marital rape, and honour killings, the state
fails to provide the protection available to a full citizen. In fact, by
ignoring issues of gender-based violence and by granting lenient
punishments to the perpetrators of violence against women, the state
actually reinforces women's exclusion from the rights of citizens. Family laws based on the Islamic Shari'a frequently require
women to obtain a male relative's permission to undertake activities that
should be theirs by right. This increases the dependency women have on
their male family members in economic, social, and legal matters. For
example, in many Arab countries adult women must obtain the permission of
their fathers, brothers or husbands in order to attain a passport, travel
outside of their country, start a business, receive a bank loan, open a
bank account, or get married. What is to be done? So, given the intrinsic animosity of Islam to equality
between the sexes and to women's rights and their role in society, how can
the condition of women in these societies be improved? The answer must be
to get rid of political Islam as a precondition to any improvements in the
status of women in the Middle East. The social system is based on Islamic
misogyny and backwardness, and Middle Eastern women will have no cause to
regret its passing. The 21st Century must be the century that rids itself
of political Islam. I believe that this will begin in Iran. The most
hopeful signs and the most remarkable stimulus for change continue to come
directly from Iranian women both in Iran and in exile. In Iran, women
presented the first and the most effective challenge to the Islamic regime
by courageously questioning the right of Islamic authority to define the
conditions of their lives. And yes, as ever, the answer to the question of Middle
Eastern women's liberation is secularism and the establishment of
egalitarian political systems in the region. Secularism has been and
continues to be a pre-requisite for women's liberation in the Middle East.
Our objectives must be:
Finally, I'd like to add a few words about the objective of
reforming and modernising Islam. Is this a worthwhile objective? Why
should Islam be modernised? If someone says that slavery, fascism or
patriarchy can become humane and be modernised, I will ask them why they
should not be abandoned altogether. In their view, if Islam allowed women
to go to school with a knee-length skirt or to become a judge as long as
she does not speak of her sexuality, then Islam has been modernised. The
objectives of those who want to modernise Islam are far more limited than
mine. This is not the modernism that we deserve. Attempting to modernise
or reform Islam will only prolongs the age-old oppression and
subordination of women in Islam-stricken societies. Rather than
modernising Islam, it must be caged, just as humanity caged Christianity
two centuries ago. Islam must become subordinate to secularism and the
secular state. Adapted
from the speech delivered at Council for Secular Humanism's three-day
conference, " One Nation without God?" on 11-13 April 2003 in
Washington D.C - USA |
www.middleastwomen.org